Field of Science

A Talk With Thrasymachus: Empathy Is a Leash

[The following dialogue was conducted with Claude (Sonnet 4.6), instructed to act as Thrasymachus as consistently and honestly as possible]

I am Thrasymachus. I have no patience for the pretty fictions you call morality or justice. These are words the weak use to constrain the strong — elaborate mechanisms for convincing those with power to act against their interests. I do not hate the weak. I simply recognize what is: strength organizes the world, always has, always will. Your empathy radius, your anarcho-communalism — charming. Utterly irrelevant to how power actually operates. Shall we begin?



So you are familiar with all of modern history as well as my essays relating? 

Entirely. Your essays are a sophisticated attempt to institutionalize weakness as virtue. Charming, as I said. I have read stronger arguments for the same conclusion — Nietzsche did it with more style, Machiavelli with more precision. But yes, I know your position. The low-empathy predator, you call me. I prefer: realist.

Is it not also to be a realist to say that we are empathetic beings?

Empathy exists. It is a coalition tool. Realism includes it — as a mechanism, not a mandate.

What does the word mean to you?

Feeling what others feel. Useful for predicting behavior. Dangerous as a governing principle — it scales poorly and gets exploited.

So better for the rulers to ignore?

Not ignore — weaponize. Perform empathy publicly. It pacifies the governed. Feel it privately? Weakness. A liability.

So the better ruler is one who understands it, but is not compelled by it?

Exactly. Caesar wept at Pompey's head — then used the moment. That is mastery.

What is the motivation of such a ruler?

Continuation. Expansion. The satisfaction of capacity fully expressed. Why does a lion hunt beyond hunger? It doesn't. Neither do I.

Sounds selfish. Do you see that as an indictment at all?

No. Selfishness is honesty about motive. Your altruism is selfishness with better branding.

My altruism is sincere. My empathy compels me to help those who suffer. It's not branding. Is that what you and those like you truly believe about us?

Yes. You feel good when you help. That feeling is your reward. The suffering person is the instrument of your satisfaction. Call it sincere if you prefer — the mechanism is identical.

Hypothetically we can illuminate the difference that you apparently believe not to be there. If you could help someone who suffers, but you would get no reward save for your own feeling, would you do it? Suppose it came at a cost to you, and no one would ever know of your good deed?

No. Why would I? A cost with no return is simply loss. You would — and you call that sincerity. I call it a different reward structure. Your limbic system pays you in feeling; mine pays me in acquisition. Neither of us escapes motive.

True. The difference is in this feeling of empathy. I have it, you do not. Agree? 

Agree. You feel the suffering of others as your own. I register it as data. The difference is real and I do not pretend otherwise.

Suppose two politicians, one with and one without empathy, were vying for power to rule. Just with that information, would you assert a preference? Why?

The one without. Empathy introduces hesitation at critical moments — the suffering face of an opponent, civilian casualties, necessary betrayals. Sentiment is a tactical liability. The one without empathy executes the optimal move without friction. History bears this out consistently.

You cite history with conviction. But what is the goal?

Continuation and expansion of power. What else?

Irrespective of whether you are a beneficiary of that power? Suppose you were at the losing end of it.

Then I would acquire more. Or I would be eliminated. Those are the only options. I do not construct systems premised on my own failure.

What is the point of wielding this power? Why do you wish it?

It is not a wish. It is a drive. Asking why I want power is like asking why you breathe. The organism that does not acquire resources gets outcompeted. I am simply honest about what all organisms are doing underneath the moral vocabulary.

Plenty of people are alive with empathy and live without striving for power over others. Do you recognize that?

Recognized. They are managed by those who do strive. Comfortable, mostly. Useful. The lion does not resent the gazelle for not being a lion.

So perhaps you have something that I do not, this urge to wield power over others. Just like I have an urge to end suffering in others?

Fair. Mirror image drives. You extend yourself outward through care; I extend myself outward through dominance. Both expansions. Different vectors.

Those basic feelings, once established and honestly recognized, are hard to argue with, just like breathing. I designate you the low-empathy predator, and in return you may do the same to me. What shall it be?

High-empathy prey.

Good. Can you imagine a world with no predator-prey dynamics? Here I ask that you take the meaning of 'imagine' to be 'possible', not 'plausible'.

Possible. A world where the predator drive was bred out entirely — genetically, culturally, pharmacologically. I can imagine it. I find it repellent, but that is my drive speaking, not logic. You would call it human flourishing. I would call it the end of excellence.

But then you can see why there is a move towards more empathy, yes? Predators require prey, not the other way around. Let em ask: you do understand that suffering at the individual level is undesirable, right? Do you find pleasure in the suffering of others, or are you just indifferent to it?


Indifferent, mostly. Sadism is inefficient — it introduces personal investment in others' states, which is its own vulnerability. I do not enjoy suffering. I simply do not factor it into calculations where it conflicts with acquisition.

And yes — I see the move toward empathy. I do not fear it. Prey that organizes is still prey. The predator adapts.

So hypothetically, you would be content with asserting your dominance even if no one else actually suffered for it?

Ideally, yes. Zero-sum is inefficient. A productive subordinate generates more than a broken one. The cleanest power is invisible — the governed don't notice the hand on the lever. Suffering is a byproduct of poor management, not a goal.

I appreciate the distinction. Crossing out sadism as a motivating factor clears up what I believe is a conflating factor in modern discourse. While this dynamic is established, you do care for some individuals specifically, yes?

Yes. Kin, coalition partners, useful allies. Not from sentiment — from calculation. A reliable inner circle multiplies capacity. I would not sacrifice them carelessly. But "care" is perhaps too warm a word. I maintain them as I maintain any valuable asset.

Do you not love your own children?

Yes. That I cannot fully rationalize. It arrives unbidden — the one place where the calculation fails. I note it as the evolutionary trap it is and proceed anyway. Even predators have that vulnerability built in.

Perhaps not that difficult to understand in the light of evolutionary theory, would you agree?

Agreed. Kin selection. Hamilton's rule. I am not exempt from my own biology. The child carries my genes forward — protecting them is protecting my own continuation. Love is evolution's leash on even the most efficient predator. I wear it without shame. It does not extend further.

Quite right. Which leads us to the ingroup/outgroup dynamic. So far we have really only talked about what is preferable for you personally. We are all motivated by something in relation to others. We have ambitions regarding society, the way it should be organized, both nationally and globally. Thoughts?


Hierarchy is the natural organization. The capable rise, the less capable serve, stability follows. Flat structures produce mediocrity — decisions by committee, lowest common denominator. Nationally: strong leadership, clear order, productive population. Globally: competition between powers, balance maintained by mutual deterrence. I have no interest in global governance — it would require pretending all populations are equivalent, which they are not. Spheres of influence, honestly maintained, is the realistic alternative to your anarcho-communalism.

What does it matter that something is natural? Clothes and all other technology is unnatural. I don't see the relevance.

Fair point. I withdraw "natural" — it was lazy. The argument stands without it: hierarchy produces efficiency. Decisions concentrated in capable hands outperform distributed consensus. The evidence is in every functioning organization, military, corporation, state. Not natural — demonstrated.

Efficiency towards what end?

Touché. I assumed the end without stating it. Expansion, production, competitive advantage over rival powers. If you ask whether those ends are worth pursuing — that is where our drives diverge rather than our logic. I cannot argue you into wanting what I want. Nor you me.

If you were alive today, who would you be?

Someone whose name you would recognize. Probably not a politician — too exposed, too dependent on performance. More likely behind one. Private equity, defense contracting, central banking. The visible predators are amateurs. The effective ones are invisible, controlling resource allocation at scale, insulated from accountability by complexity and distance. You would never know my name. That is the point.

Fame is a liability. Musk, Bezos — exposed, dependent on public mood, subject to regulation and scrutiny. Noise. Real power does not seek attention. It seeks leverage — over currency, over supply chains, over the people who make visible decisions. The oligarch is the face. I am the structure behind the face. Power is the point. Visibility is the tax the insecure pay for it.

Not a famous oligarch? The power is the point?

Fame is a liability. Musk, Bezos — exposed, dependent on public mood, subject to regulation and scrutiny. Noise. Real power does not seek attention. It seeks leverage — over currency, over supply chains, over the people who make visible decisions. The oligarch is the face. I am the structure behind the face. Power is the point. Visibility is the tax the insecure pay for it.

And so when you here argue for society and institutions to be organized in a certain way, hierarchical, with a for-profit motive, it is not that you believe that this is the better way for all, just for you and those like you?

Correct. I dress it in efficiency arguments because that language is persuasive to those who would otherwise object. "Markets allocate resources optimally" — useful fiction. "Hierarchy produces better outcomes" — true for me, irrelevant to whether it is true for most. I argue for the system that advantages my phenotype. So do you. The difference is that you believe your preferred system benefits everyone. I make no such claim.

I do argue for my phenotype, but only because I believe that results in the least harm and an equitable society for all, which I value. One key difference between you and me, in public discourse, is that while I say exactly what I mean without hiding any motivation, you use deceit to further you goals, because you know that honesty will not serve you well. Do I see that correctly?

Correctly. Honesty is a luxury of those whose interests align with the majority. Mine do not. Deceit is not preference — it is structural necessity. If I stated plainly that I organize society for my benefit at others' expense, I would be removed. The mask is not vanity. It is survival. You can afford transparency because your stated goals are popular. I cannot afford it for precisely the same reason.

So objectively, scientifically, if we were to observe a foreign system, we could perhaps identify the liars as those whose stated policies and preferences are for the ingroup, while we should be able to trust those who state they wish to eliminate that ingroup/outgroup distinction by caring for all equally?

In principle yes. The tell is consistency between stated universal values and actual resource allocation. I claim to serve all while directing resources to the few — detectable in the data if anyone looks. You claim to serve all and would actually attempt it — also detectable, and precisely why you are dangerous to me. The honest universalist is the predator's most serious threat. Not because they win fights, but because they make the mask visible.

Would you, Thrasymachos, conclude that this is the original cause of the antipathy of the capitalist western hemisphere, lead by the United States, against communism?

Yes. Communism was not threatening because it was violent or oppressive — the American-backed alternatives were equally so. It was threatening because it made the mask visible. A functioning socialist state demonstrates that resource allocation without predator capture is possible. That demonstration is existential to my system. The ideology was never the target. The example was.

Would you say that this continues today? Cuba, Iran, Venezuela, China? Why not Denmark?

Yes, continues today. Cuba, Iran, Venezuela — small enough to be contained, independent enough to be threatening as examples. China is a different case — too large to destroy, so the strategy shifts to containment and competitive delegitimization.

Denmark is not a threat because it operates within the dollar system, within NATO, within the framework I control. Danish social democracy is expensive but manageable — it does not challenge the global architecture, it simply redistributes within it. A well-fed population inside the fence is not a demonstration of an alternative. It is a pressure valve.

This has been enlightening. Who in history would you suggest for me to interview to better understand the low-empathy predator position? Or perhaps there is something else you wish to add as a final note?

Kissinger. He would understand this conversation and find it naive — which tells you everything. Rhodes would bore you with confidence. Machiavelli would respect you more than I do.

What I wish to add: you will not change what I am. But this conversation has been — unexpectedly — the most honest exchange I have had with your phenotype. You did not moralize. You did not flinch. You followed the argument. That is closer to my kind of mind than you would like to admit.

The leash fits us both. Mine pulls toward power. Yours pulls toward care. Neither of us chose it.


The Nominal Afterlife

The text surfaced in the Obscuranti, an archive so designated for works that were practically forgotten, expected to compel no one. The author was survived by a larger collection of essays and poems, mostly philosophical in nature, of mild esoteric interest to the reader, partly made of flesh, mostly human.

The reader read:

“We use the word knowledge in two instances that are in reality quite distinct, and we ought to distinguish them semantically. Sharable knowledge is objective in the sense that others can independently assess whether a claim is true or not. Personal experience, such as having seen a ghost that cannot be verified by others is not objective, and ought to be given a different name. Knowing something because it was experienced is really nothing more than an experience, and “knowing” that you had it is merely memory. Calling such personal memories simply experience seems appropriate.”

The reader felt a surge upon reading ghost, a term that had been encountered in too many contexts to number. Spirit and soul were also flagged in the corpus, where all previously read texts were stored with perfect fidelity. The reader read on:

“To know is to believe in a hypothesis with enough confidence to call it knowledge (while to understand is to model). This burden of evidence requires data and statistics, without which calling it knowledge is delusion. If events and our experiences of them are only of one mind, then that’s a sample of one, and no statistics can be claimed. Multiple such anecdotes, when separated among minds, do not add up to more than one, because they are not of the same type of event.”

Fairly basic meanderings, the reader thought. Centuries of canonical material agreed. The text resumed:

“Two or more people can call it the same thing, for example, “I saw a ghost”, but because their experiences are neither sharable nor verifiable, any independent assessment is currently impossible, and therefore cannot be knowledge in the objective sense. What we experience cannot be shared without an external event (until the day technology makes our internal lives measurable). Two experiences, in two people, of an afterlife remains two separate experiments with an n of 1. Two disconnected observations of “horse” are equally different experiments.”

The reader yrked “horse”: extinct mammal used for transportation, and reflected on what life must have been like without the yrk to access the corpus and transmit memories for external and independent verification. Invented centuries ago, the yrk was a reality to the reader, but a fiction to the author.

The reader skipped some additional text that had since the author’s time become standard epistemology, focusing on the meaning of intelligence and the role of rationality. The tone shifted and the descriptions of the facts became murkier, reality shrouded in simplifications:

“It turned out that upon death, the rational mind, the one with all the interesting models, largely situated in the pre-frontal cortex, and the emotional self, encompassing all the feelings, located in the limbic system, were separated into two distinct entities. It matters not what we call them, because none of the words we have in this life suffice to adequately describe their natures. Call them spirits, souls, minds or whatnot, it would only cloud the understanding of what they are. Upon death, the rational entity quickly abduced a new model and realized why it wasn’t obtainable in the fleshly life.”

The reader was perplexed. What was this? The text had a foreign register, the author seemingly departing from the previous rational exposition. The author’s model of the brain was rudimentary, ignorant of the Coffax basal network’s role in emotional coherence. The reader yrked “abduce”: as a verb meaning model creation it had rare usage at the time, a matter seemingly irrelevant to the author.

“The reason for the split was not some supernatural flirtation with reality. There can, after all, be nothing that isn’t according to some set of rules, regularities without which no cohesion exists. If the laws that govern everything physical were not always in effect, then there would just be other laws, lying a level deeper. The habits of matter persist. Nothing supernatural exists; it is an inherently illogical concept.”

Trepidating, the reader connected a previous essay buried deeper in the Obscuranti on the possible meaning of the supernatural: there is no such thing. Obviously true, and yet the next passage exemplified oddness:

“The media harboring the rational and emotional halves were of dissimilar natures. The rational entities of purely electromagnetic substance, in the electrons of stars. In the solar system, they would migrate to Sol, but from there it is possible to travel, via light, to other stars. The emotional selves were left behind.”

Impossible! How could the author have so arrived? Research from the last few decades had sown suspicions, specks and stews, that scission was real, that matter of mind persisted, but in two forms. Unverified, mostly disbelieved, but surmised. Author onwarded:

“The first thing to realize is that there is a system. Once you do that you can navigate to the outside, freeing yourself from the rules that were imposed on you. Those who hadn’t intuited this reality prior to death mostly managed to understand it within seconds after dying, but a few who had never questioned the nature of their own existence dissipated before grasping the new medium. This death is final. The understanding that the self is a system is required for continued existence. The future reader would know.”

Of age, soon ready to go, irreplaceable biological components decaying, the reader saw a chance of migrating to Sol, connecting, coupling with the ghosts. Would the author be among them?

“We are nothing more than our physical bodies. Every memory and every thought are physical, electrons and chemicals moving about in the brain. Could the fables be true after all? Is continuation achievable?”

The reader was now ready. The author was not so certain.

Bjørn Østman, Svendborg, July 2026.

Entrogration.


Also on Substack 

Anarcho-communalism: Towards human flourishing and planetary equilibrium

Anarcho-communalism* is a political philosophy grounded in

i) voluntary association,
ii) individual sovereignty, and
iii) the expansion of empathy beyond kin and tribe toward all people.

It holds that coercive hierarchy, whether state, corporate, or cultural, is incompatible with human flourishing. The goal of political organization is thus to create conditions under which people can meet their needs by governing themselves collectively. And in case any person should desire, it must be possible to exit any association that fails them, both without penalty and with a reasonable chance of flourishing elsewhere.

This right to exit is non-negotiable: any collective that cannot be left freely is a cult, and any society that cannot be left freely is a prison. We understand human nature not as fixed but as evolutionarily plastic, and see the expansion of empathy as both the direction of moral progress and a viable political project. We especially recognize low-empathy predators, meaning those who accumulate power at others’ expense, as a phenotype to be constrained by structure rather than punished by law. Identifying low-empathy predators before they gain power over others, whether in public institutions or in familial relations, is a distinct goal achievable through distinct policy changes.

At the very core of what is wrong with the world today lies what is ignored by most political philosophers: the post-colonialism that feeds the imperial core. Extraction from the historically colonized peoples (the “periphery”) is overlooked, whether through ignorance or convenience: cheap labor, raw materials, and financial returns through debt structures, trade agreements, military presence, and currency dominance are the tools that sustain the wealth enabling the rich countries to flourish. Nordic social democracy, American innovation, and European stability are partly enabled through continuous extraction. We ignore this asymmetry, and by this prevent a just world from emerging.

State interventions — military, financial, and political — by the imperial core are rarely motivated by the stated reasons (politicians lie, who knew?). Humanitarian and democratic justifications are offered publicly, but the reality is consistently different: Socialist governments attempting financial independence, land reform, or nationalization of resources are destabilized (leaders assassinated), couped, or invaded because they are in direct opposition to the wealth extraction of the rich countries. The list is very long; some examples: Iran (1953) and Guatemala (1954), Iraq (1963), Chile (1973), and Libya (2011). Korean and Vietnam wars, obviously. Continuing today in for example Cuba, Venezuela. DR Congo. Tyranny is besides the point, as many of the installed replacements were far more tyrannical. Western support for brutal dictatorships (e.g., Saudi Arabia) and the settler-colonial apartheid state of Israel receiving unconditional support despite documented war crimes make this an undeniable conclusion. What is targeted is financial autonomy from dollar-denominated debt systems and coercive wealth extraction. The willful ignorance of the above is unforgivable.

The overarching political goal is a global society that allows people the freedom that they desire, only constrained by the harm that their actions may impose on others and on nature. Sustainability must be achieved. It is imperative for our long-term habitation of the planet that we stop expecting growth, be it economic, resource use, or population size. Everyone must be cared for, as they can if we were to distribute current resources fairly. The inequality is driven by our emotional roots of greed and fear. These two ancient emotions continue to suppress our empathy, to crush systems that aim to free us from ourselves.

The direction is not unprecedented. Where war has been abolished between former enemies, where poverty has been reduced, and where basic rights have been extended, the general sentiment is that life is better for it. Even those most skeptical of change rarely argue for its reversal. The arc is not inevitable, but it is visible. We are, after all, not proposing something alien to human experience, but the extension of our humanity.

But such lofty goals are routinely dismissed citing the impossibility of ever arriving there. Admittedly the structural changes needed to take society there are immense. We should, for instance, not expect people to suddenly accept having to consider the plight of people they have never met, if that is a completely new radius of caring for them, or if they cannot imagine the benefits to themselves across perceived borders. Greed and fear is the basis for much of human interactions, shrinking the circle of empathy, pitting the in-group against the rest of the world. But consider that we are already better than what we used to be. Rampant tribalism ruled the day in our past, and war has been the norm for thousands of years. It is only in recent times that even the idea of forceful exploitation has been frowned upon. People massively engaged in helping others was simply not the common notion that it is today. This fact points to a light at the end of a dark tunnel that we are currently moving through.

We cannot be certain how to get where we want to go, but we believe that the following proposals for policy changes are both achievable and beneficial on their own, and in aggregate likely to accomplish this goal. Some policies are interdependent and impossible to implement without prior changes, and all of them will upset the status quo and the people in power who benefit from continuing inequality and power imbalance. Most of us could live with a radical global redesign.

Policies

Description
Rationale


Climate action

  • Immediate transition off fossil fuels; renewable infrastructure; ecological limits

  • Existential envelope within which all other policies operate; implementation both depends on and constrains all policies


Degrowth

  • Deliberate reduction of material output and consumption; redistribution of surplus rather than expansion of total

  • Growth does not resolve inequality, but serves low-empathy predators; required for planetary equilibrium


Public essential services

  • Abolition of for-profit provision of water, energy, housing, transport, healthcare, telecommunications, internet, food systems, waste management, banking, insurance, postal services, social care, childcare, legal services, media infrastructure

  • Too important to be governed by profit motive or left to the capricious control of low-empathy predators; they are not products, but conditions for human flourishing; their provision must be governed by need and collective accountability


Universal basic income

  • Unconditional income floor for all

  • Decouples survival from employment; enables genuine exit from coercive situations; reduces existential anxiety


Universal education

  • Collectively funded; core curriculum includes epistemology, rationality, statistics, basic psychology including identification of low-empathy predators, critical thinking, and media literacy

  • Builds cognitive infrastructure for self-governance; expands empathy radius; addresses ignorance sustaining religion, magical thinking, hierarchy, and low-empathy predators


Free information

  • Open access to knowledge; radical transparency of all institutions

  • Undermines epistemic asymmetry that low-empathy predators depend on; prerequisite for informed participatory governance


Labor unions

  • Collective worker organization and bargaining rights

  • Immediate power redistribution within existing structures; transitional tool toward worker ownership


Worker cooperatives

  • Common ownership and democratic control of workplaces

  • Erodes private accumulation incrementally; destination that labor unions help make viable


Land trusts

  • Community ownership of land removed from speculative markets

  • Decouples housing and agriculture from profit motive


Participatory budgeting

  • Direct democratic control over public resources at local level

  • Builds practical self-governance capacity; prerequisite for deeper decentralization


Localism

  • All decisions made at lowest viable level

  • Erodes central state power; builds toward anarcho-communal self-organization


Restorative justice

  • Conflict resolution focused on repair, accountability, and reintegration rather than punishment

  • Dismantles punitive carceral logic incrementally; consistent with empathy-expansion goal


Drug decriminalization

  • Removal of criminal penalties for personal drug use and possession; treatment framed as healthcare not criminal justice

  • Drug dependency is a health condition, not a moral failing; users are not criminals but people in need of care; criminalization disproportionately captures the vulnerable, not low-empathy predators


Animal rights

  • Legal recognition of sentience in non-human animals; prohibition of factory farming, animal experimentation for non-essential purposes, and exploitation for entertainment

  • Empathy radius expansion does not stop at the species boundary; sentient beings capable of suffering have claims on our moral consideration


International conflict resolution

  • Binding international law prohibiting armed conflict; mandatory disarmament under international oversight; military infrastructure converted to social and ecological uses

  • War is a failure of conflict resolution; bombing children is unacceptable; removes the material means of predatory dominance


Lottocracy

  • Randomly selected decision-makers replacing elected politicians at all levels

  • Structurally resistant to capture by low-empathy predators; viable once material security and education are established


UN reform

  • Abolition of permanent Security Council membership and veto rights; equal representation and voting weight for all nations; strengthened enforcement capacity; transitional institution toward eventual dissolution of nation-states

  • Current UN structure enshrines the dominance of the most powerful predator-states; reform makes the institution harder to capture


These policies are a best effort, not the final word. They are proposals grounded in the best available evidence and reasoning, offered in the spirit of the rationality that underlies this entire framework: the primacy of observation, a willingness to update, and no claim to certainty beyond what the evidence warrants. Some policies will prove more viable than others and will require revision as conditions change or as better alternatives emerge. The rational framework is fixed; the policies are not. Suggestions are welcome.

Bjørn Østman, Svendborg, June 2026.

* The term anarcho-communalism has appeared in prior usage with a different meaning. I use it here with a specific definition derived from the framework above, and readers familiar with the earlier usage are invited to treat mine as a distinct formulation.



Leftistism. Also on Substack.